Interview with Desmond Campion

Nicholas Campion

4 and 21 January 2005

Desmond Campion (1919-2016) served in the British Army from 1939 to 1945, in the intelligence corps from 1940 to March 1942, when he was captured by the Japanese, remaining a prisoner until liberation in August 1945. I conducted this interview in 2005. The interview is a parallel document to the diary, even though we were not then aware of its existence. I have lightly edited the text for grammar and flow.

PART 1: JULY 1939 – NOVEMBER 1940

N: Tell me what happened when you were conscripted.

D: Following threatening moves, well-documented in history, by Hitler from 1936, 37 and 38 and then on to 1939, the government of the day (Neville Chamberlain was then Prime Minister), decided that we should have to have conscription in this country. The conscription act was passed I suppose about March or April 1939 and it was for people, only men folk, males of the age 20-21 to be conscripted into the services and you had a choice of which service you wanted to go to a certain extent. You would be conscripted and you would serve 6 months training with the colours, and then you would be on the reserve for 3 years.

N: So when did you hear that you were going to be conscripted.

D: Well this (I knew that I should be in that age group when it was announced), came out on the news, you know, after it had been passed in parliament and I realised I was there and I should be going. We had to register at the local labour exchanges.

Giving our names and addresses and ages and then we got, I suppose, from the local labour exchanges our instructions, where we were to report to, our travel warrants and, as I said, the local money was then about 10 shillings and sixpence, equivalent of 50p today. My instructions were to report to Waterloo Barracks West in Aldershot on Saturday 15th July 1939 which I duly did, getting the train down to London, I remember, across to Waterloo and then down to Aldershot. At Aldershot Station we were met, I remember, by a nice chap, a regular Sergeant, I think his name was Jackson, Sergeant Jackson. All – we were all recognised, he knew who we were. We were all getting off the train I suppose in just our ordinary clothes carrying a small suitcase of odds and bits and pieces, so he collected them and he said “We know where you’re all going. You are all coming to Waterloo Barracks West” which wasn’t very far away from Aldershot Station and there we were.

During the course of the afternoon or early evening, I think about 120 of us went and we were taken into the 21st anti-tank training regiment. Now I had thought when I had the opportunity of knowing what service I wanted to go into I thought it would be the army and I thought I would like to join the Artillery, visualising artillery as big guns way behind the lines firing out over a long way away at the Germans or something. I hadn’t realised of course that there were these little two pounder anti-tank guns which I had been posted to.

Now the War Office, the military bigwigs’, ideas of these little two pounder anti-tank guns were they were a high-velocity, armour piercing shell. I think the top brass were still thinking in terms of where World War I finished. So they visualised these anti-tank guns as being in some way in the front line of the infantry and they would knock out the German tanks before they ever got anywhere near to the front line of the infantry. That was the thinking at that point. Anyway, that was how I got into the 21st anti-tank regiment.

Now I suppose that first evening we were told and detailed which barrack rooms we were going to. I think we were issued with a pair of pyjamas and various odd bits of clothing etc., like that, to see us through the night. So then there was lights out and everything else. We had a meal – we had some supper. Next morning, and this was rather interesting. You had seen 120 people arrive at Waterloo Barracks West in Aldershot all in their different ranges of civilian clothes and it wasn’t long before we were all standing around all in the same brown canvass jackets and slacks with a fore-and-aft cap and all looking more or less alike. That was the start. We went on that day I suppose, getting kit. You were given a towel, and I think, changes of underwear or something like that. One of the things we did do in those days was change – we had to change our underwear once a week, roll it up, put our label on it, tie it up in a bundle, put it through, eventually it went off to a laundry somewhere and eventually it came back to be used the next week. Anyway, I think that was day one.

We were then getting organised. There were various regular army people who were there of course who were going to train us – the new group they’d got. The initial training started. The initial training was I suppose learning how to march, stand to attention, stand at ease, stand easy, knowing what to do, right dress and that was lining up and getting yourselves into lines properly. That was one of the starts. Another thing I always remember: they said “Well you will be getting paid at the end of the week but you must learn to be able to salute properly the officer in charge who will be giving you your money.” So we had to remember how to go up to the officer and stand in front of his table. He gave us our money we had to remember to stand to attention, salute, turn round and walk away. Just a little bit of army discipline I suppose. The few weeks went on generally consisting of training, marching, and rifle drill, which was very different from the rifle drill you will see now.

N: How is it different?

D: Well you handle your rifles differently. To start with the rifles we had then were an old original rifle which came through I suppose from World War I. It was much bigger, much longer, much heavier to handle than the present day rifles and you had to remember how to stand with it and hold it by your side. You had to remember had to learn how to fix the bayonet, you had to remember how to lift it up correctly and put it on your shoulder and that sort of thing. Now I wasn’t too badly off. I’d had some of that because in the school OTC [Officer Training Corps] we had been doing similar sort of things of rifle drill and marching. The anti-tank gun drill wasn’t quite so easy. That was fairly hard going. The anti-tank gun itself I think at that point weighed probably something between 1500 weight and a ton. So it was a fairly heavy little item to lift and manoeuvre. It was towed behind what would now be a fairly large jeep and was then a 1500 weight truck. We we had to learn how to take it, tow it up to where it was going to be, unhitch it, turn it and get it all fixed up. You had to take the wheels off before it was going to fire, you were going to fire it and hopefully hit some German tanks.

Another thing I remember. When you had been put down in your firing position your truck disappeared off somewhere to the back. Now originally, I don’t know whether the guns in the artillery had been towed by horses because it was rather interesting that when you wanted to signal for your truck to come back and pick you up and tow you away somewhere else, you turned round and you did the semaphore signal ‘H’ for horse. So the people sitting at the back, even if they hadn’t got horses then, saw you do your sign “Horse” and they came.

We also learned a bit more semaphore, which was particularly interesting and easy to learn to my mind, because you have to remember when you are sending a message in semaphore then the person you are sending it to, whether he is looking at you from some distance away through binoculars, always sees it the other way round. So you also have to remember when he is sending something back to you that you are also seeing it the opposite way round. I am talking now what was happening in those early days. This has probably gone long since out of fashion. I am talking about what was then. So really those were our days.

You had to be fairly fit to do all the rifle drill, PT, marching and the anti-tank gun drill. So life went on over the first few weeks, I suppose from 15th July, and we were getting used to it. On the war front I think the government were getting more and more nervous. Somewhere in the first fortnight of the middle of August, all the army reservists were called up. So we had a whole lot of people coming into our barracks, army reservist people who had perhaps previously served quite a few years and now they had all come back. So we all started to get together. They of course had been trained and they knew what they were going to do. We of course were still very much in the stage of being trained. So anyway, that was the 21st anti-tank regiment. The time went on, days passed You had a bath and in those days you had to have a bath not less that once every ten days. Not very hygienic but that was what was laid down.

N: Not less than. So..

D: You hadn’t got to go more than ten days without having a bath.

N: Could you have one every day.

D: You could have one every day if you wanted to sneak off to the bath, if you had got time. This went on – by this time of course we were running towards the 3rd September and people knew what was going to happen. You felt it. I do remember the 3rd September 1939 and of course that was a Friday. Friday was payday and being up on pay parade and hearing one or two of the regulars talking “Oh yes. Hitler had then marched into Poland and that was more or less it.” Anyway, things went on. Interestingly enough, about that time there were changes made to the military. Everybody was called up and everything was British Army from that point. Whereas it had been reckoned that us conscripts who were called in from civvy life at the beginning had got to be treated fairly lightly, after that date that everything changed and we were just the same as everybody else.

N: And what was the mood like in the camp when you heard about the invasion of Poland. Did the mood change?

D: I don’t think so. The mood was perhaps rather – you didn’t really know what was going to happen. It was all perhaps rather in some respects I suppose light-hearted. But from that point and that weekend, we started building air-raid shelters very furiously and seriously. It was hard work and I remember the Saturday and particularly the Sunday working. I suppose we were doing about 12 hour days building air-raid shelters. I do remember hearing on the barrack room radio, I suppose it was evening news, Neville Chamberlain’s comments which he had originally made on the Sunday morning at 11 o’clock.

N: What was he saying?

D: Chamberlain’s comments by eleven o’clock or quarter to eleven on the Sunday morning that – wait a minute that was 3 September – “we have warned Mr Hitler that unless you pull back by that time a state of war would exist between us. I have to tell you now that no such assurance has been received consequently this country is at war with Germany”. You have probably heard this. You have heard this so many times.

Then of course life carried on. The regiment, the 21st anti-tank regiment was at that point being got ready for war.. I remember that all the equipment was coming in.  We were carrying on. We were doing guard duties and all sorts of things. I remember the anti-tank regiment themselves, the regulars, went off pretty soon in September. It was on one of the nights I was on guard duty. I was on picket duty. You could see they were all on the barrack square, all ready to go. I finished my picket duty and by the time I came out two or three hours later hey were all gone..

We then carried on. We then were moved to another regiment, what we called then the 22nd anti-tank regiment or something. We carried on training, we were in the same barracks, and more less going on with the same training. I remember another odd thing which shows how the army authorities don’t always think. It was decided of course that we had to have injections, particularly the typhoid, typhoid A and typhoid B. So one day – we were doing marching drill and the order came out that we had got to go out to the Cambridge hospital, the main one in Aldershot, and have our injections. Everything was dropped, we marched off, had our injections and having had our injections, back to barracks to get on with the next item of training. The next item of training was rifle drill but somebody hadn’t thought of the effect of the injections and then going back to rifle drill. Quite frankly we really were all creased up, absolutely. I don’t think I took my shirt off for 24 hours, I couldn’t we were virtually crippled, it was so painful in this arm.

We were jogging along through September and October. I had also got on a driving course then although I could drive a little bit of a motorcar but we had some very nice days. We used to drive round Aldershot and we had some very happy days. Mornings I remember driving out and around Aldershot stopping at various cafes for a tea and a bun – that was a char and wad as it was known – and back to the barracks.

At that point too I was one of the people who seemed to have been thought I might be due for OCTU, that was the Officer cadet training unit. I got round to see some local nearby barracks. I was interviewed by a fairly crusty old colonel. At that point I was developing rather a nasty touch of flu. Anyway, I don’t think I came out of that interview very well. So I was turned down for that. Anyway, we continued and the the battery that I was in was the unit of about 40/50 people, the drivers, an MT [Military Transport] clerk, and a motor transport clerk.

Before you were allowed to take a vehicle you had to get an authorisation signed by an officer and I got myself the job of battery MT clerk which was quite a nice little job, looking back on it. I had my little office and my bed in there and lived in there and slept in there as well and used to write out a few requisitions and get them signed by the MT officer and all that sort of thing. It was a very nice little job, apparently, I thought at that point. It was quite comfortable. I remember the MT officer, who was a nice sort of bloke, a young chap who had been called up from the reserve. He would say “Oh, yes, Campion. What can I do for you now?”, that sort of thing. I had little do. Normally I would get the requisitions, the authorisations to drive the vehicle, all filled in first, and then get it signed. I had a habit of going up to him and saying “Well, sir, if you can sign me two or three requisitions in advance, I’ll fill them in advance when necessary” and that system worked quite nicely until one morning I went in and there was the battery Sergeant Major there instead: he also had the authority to sign these things. He said “What do you want Bombadier? What do you want?” and I said “Well, you know…” and tried to explain. He said, “You get them filled in properly”. Now that was Battery Sergeant Major Wannel and I suppose at that point in 1939 he had probably had at least 15 years service. He wasn’t going have the wool pulled over his eyes by some young bombadier who had been in the army a couple of months. I had got one stripe by that point. I was Lance Bombadier Campion.

We had some leave. People getting very agitated about that time. There was almost a riot on one occasion because we had been called up and we hadn’t had any leave.

N: So how long was this by now?

D: Well it couldn’t have been more than two and a half months, ten weeks or something like that. I remember I went home for leave, to Kempston before Christmas. I was actually back in the barracks for Christmas and we had our usual Christmas dinners. The tradition was that the officers all came out and served Christmas dinner in the other ranks mess.  So, anyway, that was a nice time and a few people I suppose had too much to drink. Life just went on, Christmas and that sort of thing.

I suppose we must have got into January 1940 and there were things coming around, to Command orders, then to Regimental orders and down to Battery orders and at that point they were wanting people to do codes and ciphers, which were expanding of course. Now codes and ciphers had always been regarded as one of the most secret things you could have in the army, which was fair enough I suppose., There wasn’t much necessity for them in peace time, and they had always been handled by the Army Education Corps. It came round on Battery Orders one day oh that they were wanting people to go and train to do cipher work and it was a very simple requirement: you had to have had some education and you had to have some military knowledge and I suppose I had got a little bit of both at that point. I remember talking about it again to the Battery Sergeant Major, Wannel, and he said “Oh, Campion, the C.O. [Commanding Officer] and I think you might be suitable to go on this course.” I said “Well I don’t know, am I ever going to OCTU, perhaps to infantry then?” He said “Oh, you don’t want to go to the bloody infantry. You’ll get over to France and you’ll last 24 hours when the war starts.” So my friend Dickie Bird and I thought we’d put our names down to go on this course and 2 or 3 weeks later we got instructions to report to the Hyde Park Barracks in Knightsbridge. We went into Number 3 intelligence school, or something like that, and we spent 10 or 14 days learning how to do ciphers and coding, that’s coding and ciphering outgoing messages and deciphering and decoding incoming messages.

I think there were about 15 of us on the course. It wasn’t all that easy because you had got to be able to do it in fairly difficult situations if necessary.

So anyway, I think of the original 12/18 of us who had started on this course after about a fortnight I think it was only about 10 of us who were regarded as suitable and able to go on and do it somewhere else. So that was it. Dickie Bird and myself had been passed as being able to do codes and ciphers.

The ciphers were all there, laid down in various books. The other thing of course which we were using was the typex machine which was really only the thing which they were working on in Bletchley.

The machine was a an ordinary typewriter keyboard and had various discs and things inside which were pushed round in different order. So basically when you pressed an A on the typewriter keyboard what may have come printed out on the message you were going to send, but it might have been any other letter at random.

You programmed the cipher into the typex and you had to know what you were doing otherwise the thing went wrong. We were in touch with cipher offices all round the world and you had to know what time it was. When I was in the Far East, we had a clock with two lots of hands, one was local time and the other was Greenwich Mean Time and you always changed your cipher at Greenwich Mean Time. There was no time of course such as 12 midnight. It was either 23:59 or 00:01.

You had to programme the typex machine it manually. There were hundreds and thousands of possible combinations of cipher but only four lots of discs. The one in Bletchley I think only had three. But programming it was really a relatively simple matter. You had to be extremely careful to follow the instructions and you had to make jolly sure you got the right thing for the right date.

N:  Otherwise you’d be sending the wrong messages.

D: Otherwise you’d be sending the whole thing out and it just would come out all cock-eyed. The other thing we did and I am talking later now, all within the cipher office, we had an instructions, I am talking now Far East, among ourselves that one person did it and another person checked it but you never started using it on the basis of what one person had done. You always had two of you send a message in order to cover yourselves.

So anyway, coming back to where I was. Yes, the typex machine. Hope I’m not telling you anything highly secret! Don’t think so now. It is probably all done by computer now anyway. I went back to Aldershot after that. Now what was the next thing that had happened? Oh the next thing that had happened was that Hitler had invaded Norway. Now for some reason or other we got on this little group of people who were going to Norway. So where did we get to? Off on a train somewhere or other and we got into Glasgow eventually, and this group of officers were going to Norway, and of course one or two infantry battalions had gone as well. We didn’t go from Glasgow. Eventually we travelled across to Edinburgh and went on a cruiser to Norway. We had been messed about here and there and it was like all those things in the army of those days. You know the war had started, and nobody really knew what was going on or what was being done. We got on this cruiser and eventually set off to Andalsnes. Now that wasn’t a very comfortable voyage. Sailors living on warships in those days didn’t have a lot of comfort. They built the warship and they put in everything that was needed in the warship and then they said “Well now the sailors must find somewhere to hang their hammocks”. That was the sort of thing what it was.

I remember it was quite a nice little voyage across. This was getting on towards March/April 1940. Nice little voyage going across on this cruiser and of course we were out and about and up on deck and all the side rails and everything were down and I do remember a warning coming over from, I suppose, the Captain of the ship “Don’t fall over because if you fall off we shan’t stop to pick you up.” Anyway, we got into Andalsnes to bit of bombing from the Germans. There were odd German planes about and we didn’t know what we were going to do and I don’t think we actually did any ciphers over there but we got up to about I suppose about 10 miles inland or something like that, really waiting for something to happen. But of course at that point Norway was collapsing and all the troops were coming back. I do remember at one stage two of us, or three of us, were sent down into Andalsnes one day to try and find out what was going, and I remember getting into a fairly nasty sort of air raid. Only about two German bombers. We got into some sort of air raid shelter. A few bombs dropping and I remember one bomb coming fairly close and you think “well, this is a bit too close”. Fortunately it was a dud. Anyway that all went over and back, back up to where we were about 10 miles away. Can’t remember the name of the place and then of course anyway we were told we were evacuating back from Norway.

N: So how long had you been in Norway.

D: Oh not much more than a long weekend I don’t think, something like that. One of my nearly little short wars. So we went, and we were going back and we were told we had got to be back in the town of Adalsnes itself for the evening when various British ships would be coming to pick us up and I remember that one day we spent sitting on a mountainside in Norway under a rock, you know, but safe. And there were German planes flying up and down and a few bullets whistling into the grass. Anyway we got down into Andalsnes.

N: Was the German plane shooting at you?

D: Well I don’t know whether he was, I think he was just shooting at anything. Probably couldn’t see us anyway. No I think it was just shooting at anybody. Anyway, we got down into Andalsnes. First of all some civilian ship came in, sort of um I don’t know quite what it was, tried to get in, come in pick us up, couldn’t get in properly.

N: Why not?

D: Because the skipper couldn’t manoeuvre it in properly. So they were out and they were quickly told to buzz off and at that point another cruiser came in, got us in, got us picked up and I suppose we found somewhere, some bench or something to sleep on and sailed back to Britain. I didn’t know until years later that the navy officer running that evacuation that night was a chap called Commander Peter Millburn who was subsequently Director of Muntons [Campion’s employer in England] because he was a member of the Wells family. I thought it was interesting actually that he had been there organising the evacuation the night I had come off. Anyway, where did we get back to? Oh two or three days later we got back to I suppose back into Glasgow. That’s right. What happened to us then?

N: Didn’t you go to Dover?

D: No, not quite at that point, haven’t quite got to Dover yet. Is this making any sense at all? It is as I am remembering things and what is going through my mind. Anyway back on a train, getting back to I think it was St Pancras, King’s Cross at sometime in the morning to see that Hitler had attacked France, and the war had started there.

So we got back and into Dover. Dover Castle. That is quite interesting because the cliffs under Dover Castle are absolutely honeycombed with caves. Then there were a lot of military offices and things there, admiralty as well. We spent most of that week in Dover in the caves under Dover Castle. One thing I remember was of course we were living under there and you were permanently day or night in artificial light, so we used to get out and walk and I had been out for my walk one day, one morning and somebody said to me, and I was known as Des then, “Come on Des, get your kit together, you’re going to Dunkirk”. I said “What, this isn’t the right thing to be doing”, and what had happened was the War Office had lost contact with Lord Gort. He was the C. in C. [Commander in Chief of the British Expeditionary Force in France] there at that point. They had lost contact with Gort’s HQ and they thought perhaps the cipher books had been compromised or they had lost them, so they thought the best thing to do is send over a couple of chaps with cipher books, find Lord Gort’s headquarters and communication would be resumed. So there it was, this one officer, what was his name, Lieutenant. Belton. He rather crazily volunteered, and somebody had drawn the wrong straw for me so I was going with him, and we were all there and waiting about. Now fortunately at that point the chief cipher officer intervened. He was a very quiet little man, but I think he was a very tough little character with commonsense. He spent a lot of time that morning talking to the War Office in London on the telephone persuading them what a completely silly idea this was. I know there was a warship, a cruiser or a destroyer or something, laid on to take us over, you know. Never had a warship laid on to take me on since you know.

N: So why did he say it was a silly idea?

D: Well, even if we had got over and got ashore without getting bombed, could we have got along, two blokes with cipher books, and said “Look, we are looking for Lord Gort’s headquarters, we are coming with a couple of cipher books.” No, it was a crazy idea. So that didn’t come off, fortunately, probably.  So we were just carrying on. Dunkirk finished and everybody had come back and the whole thing was complete and we then were off and went on a train t back to Aldershot and got a room or put in some barracks somewhere. I seem to remember I went into the barracks I had been living in and I saw all my old mates, and told them what I had been doing and everything else.

N: They hadn’t moved anywhere?.

D: That had lot had been there since July 1939 and there were still quite a few of them messing around doing things. I remember at that point meeting some of the chaps who had gone over with the original 21st anti-tank regiment and taken a whole lot of flak when Hitler broke through

D: I went to France again after Dunkirk because the idea was then that, they had hoped to retain that west bit of France. That was a funny old trip too. That was a long weekend, as in Norway.

As I said, I had been and I had seen these odd-bods who were around in Aldershot. Oh I did at that point meet a couple of blokes who had actually gone off with the 21st anti-tank regiment and had been there right at the front and most of them must have had some horrific casualties there. I remember meeting one of them who had come back. He was a Geordie and he said in his Geordie voice “You might as well have thrown a bloody stone at the fucking tank”. That was his impression. That was the idea of how good the anti-tank gun was because it was just no good at all, those 2lb armour casing shells were no good.

I think it was that the German tanks were tougher. But you see of course the other thing was the German tanks were supported by low-flying aircraft. Now this had first been demonstrated by British Army on Salisbury Plain in about 1935 and there had been military from various places around the world and of course the British Chiefs of Staff at once said “Well, tanks being supported by low-flying aircraft? We don’t think there’s much future in this.” So they didn’t bother. Hitler’s lot saw it and they were thinking this is a jolly good idea and they worked on it so there it was. That was how that lot had got disposed of.

N: Did you have to travel with your typex machine?

D: No, we hadn’t got typex machines with us at that point. When you were working on ciphers, and to go back to what ciphers are, they go in various degrees or security or how secure they may be according to where they are in terms of the importance of the military or airforce units. I mean obviously you don’t get things like typex machines at anything lower than command headquarters Or divisional headquarters.

N: So how would you be expected to receive and send messages then?

D: Well you would use cipher books. There are quite a lot of various forms of cipher which can be used. D: You could use a pen and paper. The message would probably go out on a radio at that point. The person you were sending to would have a code name. and the letters would have to be read out at that point.

I went to France again after Dunkirk because the idea was then that, they had hoped to retain that west bit of France. That was a funny old trip too. That was a long weekend, as in Norway. We had been back in Aldershot a few days after Dunkirk, I had been back seeing a chap called Ronnie Eade who I was quite friendly with at that point. Back and in and out at the barrack room. We had been out and had a few beers together in the canteen and everything else. We then got our instructions we were going back to France. We went from Southampton to Saint Nazaire. When we got there we started unloading and getting the equipment off and all that sort of thing. I remember I was a bit annoyed. There was one officer there. Now who was he? A chap with a fairly high-flowered double-barrelled name and all he was worried about was “Bombadier where is the officers’ mess kit.” I was only a bombadier at that point and couldn’t care less about the officers’ mess kit really. These are little memories which stick in the mind.

N: So you had to set up a camp did you?

D: We didn’t. We never got anything set up. We got dumped on the beach. We probably lay down on the beach to sleep. It was more or less coming up to summer. I had been into Aldershot on a Thursday night and said “Cheerio”, and at that point we were then off and down to Southampton and across to Frances, you see. That was on the Friday. Getting stuff unloaded. Saturday morning we started loading again because the French were just packing up at that point, getting stuff loaded up back on the boat and on the Saturday afternoon, I remember it was a nice sunny day, we sailed back to Southampton, you see, and that was it. The boat leaning over a bit like that, you see, I don’t quite know why. There was one ship, one of the liners in use, a fairly biggish thing which had been used in the evacuation of Dunkirk, and was coming back loaded and it got bombed of course. When a bomb fell down the funnel, it exploded.

There were a lot of casualties. I think the boat eventually sunk. I don’t think it ever got home. I am trying to remember the name of it. It began with an A. But ours got back and we got back into Southampton And I went back to Aldershot and I got a great cheer. On the Sunday evening I went back into the barrack room again and everyone said “where have you been Des”. “Oh, I’ve been to France”. “Well why didn’t you stop Hitler” or something like that. So that was my little French trip you see.

At this point we were back in Aldershot and from the next point we went up to Newmarket, to Lower Hare Park which is a country estate about 3 miles from Newmarket centre, near the racecourse, and we were then with second division headquarters. I have forgotten what the General’s name was in charge of that division at that point but that was a fairly quiet bit of life. We had a cipher office in the grounds; we were in part of the house. I seem to remember that two or three of us who were in the cipher office were just more or less billeted in a stable or something. We had camp beds in what had been a stable.

It was quite a pleasant life. This must have been June/July 1940.  It was quite a pleasant existence, messages coming and going. Typex machines doing ciphering here and there. Bicycling. Yes. I had a bicycle. I had been over to Bedford and collected my bicycle at that point and in time off we could bicycle in to Newmarket or you could bicycle even along to Cambridge. So life drifted along there. Then there was a bit of the Blitz starting. I seem to remember that a lot of the Blitz started at night but I think there was a Sunday or a Saturday in August 1940 that there was the first German Blitz and a lot of German planes came up the Thames on a Saturday afternoon. I remember being in the office on the Sunday morning and switching on the radio and I heard, I think I was the only one in the office at that point, I heard that three or four hundred people had been killed up and down the dockside, London docks, which of course was really a bit horrific at that point because hearing of 3 or 4 hundred people being killed in one lot was a lot at that point. We hadn’t got used perhaps to the larger numbers of people which were killed subsequently in different raids.

Anyway, life went on there. We had a few German planes over. There was a squadron, a bomber squadron of Wellington bombers stationed on the racecourse which was only a mile or two away from where we were. I remember one night, we were just hearing them going off. I remember one night one crashed on take off. There was an awful noise of bombs going off and explosions and fires and everything else. I suppose at that point we were beginning to think, and wondering what was going to happen, and where the war was going to finish. I had been made Sergeant by then. We were living in Sergeant’s mess and at that point all cipher operators were more or less controlled from what was MI1BX in the War Office and it came around that they wanted a couple of people to go to Singapore. This was October 1940 and they wanted these two people for Singapore, for a fairly big job and my friend Dickie Bird and I thought “Well, you know, there’s no war out there, we’ll have a go. What are we going to do?” So we said “Yes, alright.” They wanted two people so we said alright, we two will go. So that’s why we were scheduled to go to Singapore. So we went home on our respective leaves then we got up, reported up to transit camp in London, and during our stay in this camp it was fairly frightening because there was quite a lot of London Blitz going on at that point. I remember one night, we were out, we had been out and around quite near to Piccadilly Circus somewhere in a pub and I do remember a bomb coming down very close there and glasses of beer jumping up and down on the pub counter which was a bit alarming I suppose.

N: Weren’t the people then in air raid shelters?

D: Well, no. We hadn’t been. It wasn’t I think a major raid. Besides major raids, you occasionally got odd bombers going over, so that was probably what it was.

PART 2: NOVEMBER 1940 – NOVEMBER 1945

At that point Dickie and I met Colonel Cohen of the Argyle and Sutherland Highlanders and he had been appointed the Chief Cipher Officer for this job in Singapore. He told us it was an important job which was going to be under Sir Robert Brook Popham who was C-in-C Far East and that we weren’t going straight out on troop ships. We were going part of the way flying. He told us that was the journey. In due course we got the train to Liverpool and then embarked on a ship going out. I remember my last view of UK was the Central Building in Liverpool. I mention that because from that point I had left UK which was about 5th November 1940. I mention that particular building because it was to that particular berth almost I arrived back five years later. We went off and we were in convoy and after about two days, one night, there was one heck of a storm and we woke one morning and the convoy had dispersed and we seemed to be the one and only ship.

We sort of went on and round and with no worries at that point. Of course I don’t think there were so many German submarines in the Atlantic at that particular point. The Mediterranean was too dangerous so we went round and to Lagos and after a few days in a camp and we left on Christmas day 1940. We took off in an old German plane, or a German manufactured plane -a three engined old thing with propellers. We took off from Lagos going across central Africa. That was Christmas Day 1940 and after 5 days of flying with short hops no night flights. We stayed one night in Stanleyville, near the Stanley falls, that was the flight across central Africa, Then we flew up to Cairo again into a transit camp and spent a few days there. I remember a New Year’s Eve party.

N: When you were in Lagos and Cairo were you busy or were you just left to your own?

D: Oh we, me and Dickie, we were left more or less to our own devices. I always had the theory that in the army that, if you travelled in a group of people of several hundreds, you were always pushed around and it wasn’t very comfortable. If you were just travelling as two or three of you, well it didn’t matter, you know, you went off and you did your things in comfort. As long as you got to where you going and ready to go at the same time.

It was January 1st 1941 when we took off from Cairo on one of the old Imperial Airways flying boats, which was quite interesting. This one I mention was called Canopus, I don’t know why because they were all labelled and they were given names because they were fairly distinctive and there weren’t many of these particular empire flying boats in existence and from that point we took off and it was again about 5 days flying, I suppose I should have looked, but if I had looked at a map, I could probably have remembered the places we stayed at on overnight stops. There was of course no night flying. There was all overnight stops on the old Canopus. I think it was about 5 days down to Singapore.

Five overnight stops. Different hotels in different places. It was great comfort. At that point there was myself and Dickie Bird, we were the Sergeants. Colonel Cohen and a chap called Bobby Dobbin who was a major, R W Dobbin, who was also going out to Sir Robert Brook Popham’s HQ. I remember Canopus because years later [1957] when we went to stay at Rockeley Sands at Poole and we went on a boat around , an old rusting flying boat, Canopus, the same one.

We went on to Singapore and spent a little time in Singapore itself. Fort Canning was army headquarters, doing a bit of cipher work there and then we two were moved out to Singapore Naval Base where Sir Robert Brooke-Popham had got his headquarters. We were living there part of the time in the Naval Base which wasn’t very good because at that point, in the relatively early days of the war, I don’t think inter-service co-operation was quite as good as it was later, and as army sergeants we were living in the Petty Officers’ mess and there was always a little bit of a problem, perhaps not so much for a Sergeant, but for a Warrant Officer Class 2 in the army there was always a little bit of a problem, because was he the equivalent of a Petty Officer in the navy? He was slightly above but he wasn’t the equivalent, he was a little bit below a Chief Petty Officer in the Navy and there were one or two instances where there were bits of niggles. Some time we lived with the Navy, and part of the time we lived with an army regiment. We went on working there. We saw the ciphers happening and everything else.

Most of that period, we w ere under Sir Robert Brook Popham, who was an air chief marshal and he hadn’t got a military command as such. He was mainly political liaison with the Dutch mainly so all our cipher work was connected with that, going and coming. We were always fully up to date.

It was mainly a lot of routine stuff, coming and going. Supplies and that sort of thing and who was going to do what and everything else. I suppose it was quite a simple life, relatively. We we collected two or three more cipher chaps by that time, I suppose, in that office there were five of us of rank of Sergeant and one officer in command. It was really quite a pleasant existence at that point you know. You get used to tropical weather, What they used to call three shirts a day weather really, which is what you needed.

Time moved along and you could it coming, you could see this war coming, It was the 7th December, Japanese declared war. Some aircraft came over. I remember of course the Prince of Wales and Repulse had arrived by that time and they were only just a couple of hundred yards down the road from the naval barracks where I was living at that point and suddenly you get 15 inch guns opening up at enemy aircraft. My goodness it shakes you.

This was just after Pearl Harbour. Oh, I do remember of course there had been going to be various changes, various personnel moving around in the cipher department. I should point out that on December 6th, I had had a promotion. I had been promoted from Sergeant to Warrant Officer Class 2 [WO2] because the then WO2 in our office was moving on to another job up to the north of Malaya, in Penang, and I had been promoted to take his place and I remember this Saturday going back, I knew I had got my promotion and I went back to the PO’s mess and I knew I had got my promotion and we had a bit of a celebration sitting round, you know, in the mess. Spot of lunch. Went up to the barrack room, you know the usual have a sleep in the afternoon and I hadn’t been asleep very long before somebody was shaking my shoulder “Come on Des, got to get up and go to work and go to the office. Things are happening. Your promotion has been cancelled.” Oh, well. That was very good you see. So I was staying Sergeant. So we got up and into the office and things started to blow up then. The first thing I remember was Prince of Wales and Repulse sailing out and well of course they hadn’t gone out for very long and we in the cipher office started to hear, about midday, bad news>the Repulse has been damaged and the Prince of Wales has been badly damaged and then one had been sunk, the other was damaged and coming back and finally both sunk. And I do remember that night of course all the survivors were coming back into the barracks. We were receiving them and getting them bedded down and everything else. So that was a night.

N: So they must have been in quite a state.

D: They were in quite a state, a lot of them, yes.

N: Been fished out of the water?

D: Been fished out of the water, yes. All we could do and I remember, even in our barrack room, what could we do? We started off by taking off all the mattresses off the beds and putting them down by the sides of the beds so that as people came up they either had a bed to lie on or a mattress to lie on. I had to do the same with mine and that was it. That was that night.

N: So were you sending ciphers to do with this back to London?

D: We were sending ciphers to do with all sorts of things and back, yes. So we went on and of course the news was getting bad. The Japanese were coming down etc., and everything else. It so happened of course we were getting situation reports every day from Hong Kong, which was virtually coming on collapse. And in the cipher office the system was that as soon as you had deciphered an incoming message you just put it through to the central registry and they dealt with it, because you had hand-written it you see. They got it typed and put through to the particular individual who had got to see it. When you deciphered a message you went to the tray and you took the next one off and you started dealing with that and I took off, deciphered, about the last situation, to come out of Hong Kong before they capitulated which was quite depressing because they had got a map, and I could see the whole thing closing down, I could see it going, which wasn’t very good. Then where did we move on? The headquarters moved to another smaller building in Singapore, on the outskirts of Singapore for a bit. Hong Kong collapsed on Christmas Day. We had been working as usual, Christmas Day 1941.

N: So you had been out there for almost a year?

D: I had been out there for a year. We then moved and things were decided from the political angle, sensibly, the whole lot of us, we should have left and moved all the way down to Australia, that’s my personal opinion. But of course we couldn’t desert the Dutch so when the headquarters moved I think it was just, reflecting what had happened before the Japanese had declared war. The top people, I suppose Churchill and others and ministers in London, had decided that Sir Robert Brooke-Popham should be replaced. He was a nice old chap, I mean looking back in those days he was a man of probably 55 to 60 who had been brought in to do this job. Of course he was quite an old man compared with us in those days.  He was being replaced and General Wavell was coming in to take command.1 Of course Wavell at that point had a fairly good reputation and it was decided to change the command from South West Pacific Command to South East Asia command. That was just a change of name really, and the headquarters moved to Java, now Indonesia. We went down in an aircraft to Java and went to a town in central Java called Bandong. In fact our headquarters were about ten miles outside the town, up in the mountains in a very nice place. I think it must have been some sort of military establishment and we started there with the South East Asia command. We were still working on our ciphers. Now that was where we were working pretty hard and pretty long hours actually. I remember having to do an 8 hour shift, 8 hours on, 8 hours off. and that’s life, and so on. It was quite hard work.. You talk about ciphers and you think just of a cipher but at that point, at one time we were handling 24 different cipher codes from one office.

When you are at that level you had got to be able to deal with everybody, a whole range of people. The people a bit lower down in the chain of command who had probably only got to deal with you, only needed the one code between you, so you always had to be extremely careful that when you were sending the message, you had to make jolly sure you sent it in the right code, otherwise you would have been in a bit of trouble.

1 Brooke-Popham was replaced by Henry Pownall, not Wavell. Wavell was commander-in chief in India, and so responsible for Burma.

N: Did people ever send the wrong one?

D: No, I don’t think we ever did because we had a very careful system of checking between ourselves and always before you sent a message speak to your mate and say “Am I doing the right one?”. Oh yes, we had a… we were pretty careful on what we did on that. That went on, things went on and on were collapsing. The next thing that happened was the fall of Singapore, which was not a very good day. And that created a bit of a stir in the office because by this point we had got a whole lot of people doing ciphers, we had got quite a few women at that point. People had girlfriends and husbands and all sorts of thing in Singapore, and this started a few tears and everything else. . It wasn’t very good. But we went on and kept going and then of course it was realised that the whole lot was going to collapse.

I got transferred and went on, put in to headquarters of British troops in Java. Two of us at that point, another chap I was quite friendly with because I was commissioned at that point, a friend called Andrew Duncan2. He was in the Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders. He was a captain. I was a lieutenant. We stayed. The others went. They weere shipped across to Colombo [Ceylon]. That was the end of them as far as we were concerned. I think the rest and Java collapsed on May 14th. There was an Ian Graham, a captain of Seaforth Highlanders. He looked into the cipher office. I suppose we still sent out some final messages. He said “I thought you chaps might like to know the Japs are just few miles away, over the hill.” “Oh yes, thank you for telling us”. Oh yes, so Andy Duncan and I sent our last message out to um War Office, London and saying “Destroying all ciphers after this message” which we did. Cipher books are quite difficult things to dispose of and burn. We weren’t going to let it be said that we had allowed any ciphers to get compromised or anything like that. The other thing of course is the original version of the Typex machine. And that is a very tough machine to dispose of and tear to bits.

2 For Andy Duncan and his diaries see Meg Parkes, A.A. Duncan is OK: A story of one war and two captivities (Hoylake: Kranji Productions, 2003); Meg Parkes, ‘Notify Alec Ratray’: A Story of Survival 1941-43 (Hoylake: Kranji Productions, 2002).

N: So how did you do that?

D: You have got to knock it and hammer it and you have got to unscrew things and bits and you have got to tears bits of wire with pliers. It is not an easy job. It is a very tough machine to dispose of.

The Japs were just over the hill. One of the officers who had gone and gone off back on the ship to Colombo sold his car to Andy Duncan. It was then probably the equivalent of a Ford Escort now. He had sold it for two shillings and four pence and Andy Duncan and I thought we would go.At that point nobody could stop us, so we drove off down to the south coast. I mean nobody could stop us going off down there to see if we could escape. In actual fact we couldn’t and we stayed down on the south coast.

The Dutch were disintegrating as well. The whole thing was just disintegrating and there weren’t a lot of British troops around at that point because most of the British troops, the fighting troops, had been taken in Singapore. There weren’t a lot in Java. So Andy and I went off and after about three or four days we realised it was going to be no good so we simply went back up to Bandong and back to the HQ.

I suppose it was done in quite an orderly sort of way when you get taken. I mean if people get captured in the heat of battle then they probably get killed or bayoneted or taken prisoner in a rather rough sort of way. But where you are taken like that it starts off by being relatively civilised because the senior British officers would talk to the senior Japanese officers, and orders would come down through a sort of chain of command, you know. So next thing I was on a train to Surabaya. We started our PoW existence there in some old buildings which had been used by dockyard coolies and were wired off. This was where things just sort of started, and we sat around. Of course one of the things which is important if you are going to be taken prisoner of war is to be commissioned rather than non-commissioned, because officers didn’t have to work. As far as where ever I was concerned, the Japanese didn’t make the officers work. It was true you might have to go out in charge of a bunch of other ranks, perhaps, and be in charge of them, and get beaten up if any of them did anything wrong but normally, no, officers, didn’t have to work. Now this made all the difference to a PoW existence.

I had been promoted during my spell, during my early days in Java.It was all very simple because a cable went back to the War Office reporting the establishment of the cipher office and we need another one or two lieutenants.  “Propose, Warrant Officer Smith and Sergeant Campion be promoted Lieutenant forthwith, can you agree?” And the War Office nt back a message straightaway, “yes we agree, Sergeant Campion promoted Lieutenant herewith”. And that made of course all the difference because of the difference in death rate between other ranks and officers/ Therewas no comparison really just because of this fact that officers didn’t have to go out and work for the Japanese. You have just got to keep yourself occupied and look after your own things.

We spent 6 months in Java as prisoners of war. Then , we went back on a boat, up to Singapore, where we spent about 3 weeks in Changi, which was a very big camp, that was sort of where everybody who had been taken in the Malayan campaign went. We had got to Singapore docks, in the evening and we marched 20.

N: So at this point, what sort of rations were you eating? Were you being treated well or not? What was the situation like?

D: I think we were being treated relatively well at that point. I know they had one or two sticky episodes in Changi, but there were a lot of people in Changi. The area was so vast and one didn’t see all that many Japanese, you know. You had to stay inside the perimeter area but it was so big. Our rations were usually the old rice and vegetable soup, basically. Sometimes it was a bit more, sometimes it was a little bit less.

After our three weeks in Changi we went back to down to Singapore docks and onto a boat. Now this was slightly different because you have seen how slaves were put on boats and transported across from Africa to the West Indies. The Japanese had obviously seen this and had thought it was a good idea. Now when you go down through the hatch of a ship and I suppose each deck is probably 8 to10 feet high, the Japanese had worked out that if you sort of put in between another row of planks you could then put one lot of prisoners underneath and you could put somebody else on top and they did this. It is not a very comfortable way of travelling. It was only tolerable at all I suppose because we were doing it for only just a few days from Singapore to Kuching. We were allowed to go up on deck during the day at any rate. They were, I suppose they were quite reasonable then. But the interesting thing was, and I don’t know what the Japanese thought of it, Prisoners of War were put underneath on the lower level, and we had Japanese personnel above us. I don’t know whether they were Civil Servants going around or odd military people or what. I don’t know what they thought of being put in the same sort of place as prisoners of war.

N: So they were in exactly the same conditions?

D: Well they were virtually in the same conditions, yes and the one above me,

was in actual fact quite a reasonable English speaker, that’s why we could talk. That and a bit of Malay, I chatted to this Japanese man and he produced his autograph book, a little autograph book and said “You sign, you sign”. So I didn’t put what I really felt like putting. I just put “Best wishes, Desmond Campion” and I flicked it through, you know this, and out fell this four leaf clover. I said “Four leaf clover, good luck, four leaf clover” and he said “Yes, yes” and he gave it to me. Still got it. You know. Well, that was just an instant of seeing the Japanese slightly differently.

N: What did you talk about to him?

D: They were always wanting to know if you were married, had you got any wives or family and children. Usually talking about things, not about war or anything, things back home when you were living a normal life. They were the usual things they were interested in.

N: So how did you get to talk to the man in the next floor above you?

D: Because you have still got the sort of gangway you walk around to go from floor to floor so I mean as soon as you stand up, there is the chap above you. And we noted too they always had their morning facing the sun and I suppose you could say almost their religious observance in the morning. They were up on deck and they sometimes once they did it down below for some reason, and we just stood back quietly and waited while they did it.

Anyway, from there we went into Kuching, to the camp there. We were in the same camp as quite a lot of the other ranks at that point who had been collected and brought down. After about 6 months, we were then went off down into an officers camp in Kuching and that is where I said we lived in, and I do stress the word relative, we lived in relative comfort compared to where the men were living.

N: So what did you have that they didn’t?

D: Well, I suppose odd things – I discovered an old bed frame, just a wooden bed frame and which there were a few about because this camp these huts which we were in had been built by the British for some Indian troops. There were quite a lot of bits of old barbed wire lying around in rolls. Now if you get enough barbed wire and a couple of pairs of pliers you can eventually get enough wire to wire across your bed frame. And then if you discover a few bits of rush matting or something, you have got yourself a relatively comfortable bed. Better than lying on the floor.

N: And did other people do things like that?

D: People did all sorts of things. It is interesting and of course when you go into a Prisoner of War camp like that and you have got people going from civilian life, you have got people who can do all sorts of things. You know you pick up people who have all got different skills. So that is – people just get down to doing things. You have got to do it.

We had a chap in there who had been a carpenter and he was an awfully useful sort of chap, a handy man. Of course we were given odd axes I suppose to do our bits of wood chopping for our cookhouse fire, and he could sharpen axes make new handles and all sorts of things.

You didn’t need any other heating fires or anything. Now in this camp in Kuching we settled down and I did for a little bit, I was not, I did have a little bit of sickness. I had beri-beri at one point. Dry beri-beri which is rather unpleasant. My eyes started to water quite a lot. You blinked and you felt that all day your eyes were full of sand and I could hardly see anything for a bit and you got lots of stabbing pains in the feet as well which was rather unpleasant.

We got some sort of local vegetable in about that time, we bought them from a Chinese contractor or something. I was given extra supplies. It was decided that this had got vitamin B which some of us needed. I suppose I got accustomed to the diet and the vit B cleared it up and that was it. I did at a later stage have the wet beri-beri which is when you start to fill up with water from the bottom, legs coming up. I suppose in my case again it got up about to the knees but it is very unpleasant because, and the nearest I could describe it is if you can imagine walking around in a pair of Wellington boots which are full of water, that’s about the best description I can give.

Most of my time in this camp, somebody had to chop wood for the cookhouse fire and by this time I was friendly with a chap called Bert Wearing, and Bert and I started chopping a bit of wood together. We volunteered together one day to chop wood and I spent almost three years as camp woodchopper. People wanted to know what I did in my PoW camp existence this is what I did for the most part. Chopped wood.

You were doing it fairly slowly, probably doing two, two and a half hours a day chopping wood. Occupied most of the mornings very nicely. After that you could read a book. We were fortunate because the Japanese brought all the library books up from Kuching library one day and put them into central office and there was a great supply of books you could read.

I should add that the camp we were in in Kuching of course wasn’t just for British soldiers. There were various camps, sub-sections. I was in British officers, of course, yes and there were other sub-sections. There were Australian officers, there were a few Dutch, there were quite a lot of civilian internees, there were quite a lot of women and children. One probably of the best known, Agnes Newton-Keith, an American author.3There were a few Indian troops and also a fairly little old lot we always thought of them, some Dutch Lutheran priests. They had their small section of camp, in one hut there were about 12 of them and they all had their little white beards and we thought of them as Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs and I think they came off as well as anybody because they had lived out there a fairly simple life for quite a lot of years and they just carried on living their fairly simple life local diet, which they were used to, and everything else.

As far as the men’s camp was concerned, they didn’t do very well because they had to go out on working parties, 6 or 7 days a week, 12 hours a day. To give you some indication, at the beginning of 1945 there were 1,000 in, the men’s camp, but on August 15 1945 only 500 left. They had 500 dead. They were just dying off like flies in that last few months. You can stand up to things for three years but I felt that after three years people were really beginning to go downhill.

People were dying of malaria, dysentery. Just general malaise. Just too tired to live anymore.

In the officers’ camp we didn’t have many deaths4. I mean the camp I was in, how many officers – we had about 100 in total. Who died? Digger Marchmant died, Phillips, Maurice Russell. His was rather a tragic death. He was the original CO. Maurice Russell died quite early on and he stubbed his foot one day and it wasn’t tended to and it turned sceptic and then the poison ran up. He died quite quickly actually. Rather sad because he was a good CO and he could talk to Colonel Suga who was the Japanese CO at that camp. They could talk together because this chap, Russell, who was a regular, had probably been in the army since early 1930s and had spent a lot of time in the Far East and he and Col Suga used to talk together almost as equals, you know, because, apart from the fact that we were at war, they had got similar knowledge about things, and they had led, sort of similar lives, if you like. I often thought that things wouldn’t have got quite as bad in our camp if he had still lived. I think he would have argued for more food and probably better rations and all that sort of thing. The next year we had Col. Whimster.

3 Agnes Newton Keith’s memoire Three Came Home, was published in 1947 and turned into a film in 1950. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Three_Came_Home_(book).

4 In July 2009 Desmond told me to be in a camp in which one caught malaria and dysentery was not as bad as being in one where one caught cholera and typhoid.

N: It was mainly rations that was bad. People didn’t get maltreated in other ways?

D: Not in the officers’ camp, no. I mean other ways; the chaplain was going out on working parties and when you were closer to the Japanese you were more, it was more likely you were going to get beaten up or something. But you see we saw Japanese close, but outsaid the wire. But of course we didn’t often get Japanese actually coming down into our camp. You know they would walk down once a day periodically and they used to talk to us and they probably wanted to know if anybody had got a watch or a fountain pen to sell, and there was a degree of just ordinary communication between people at that point. Various things happened. Of course we were lucky. We always managed to get news of one form or another from outside.

N: How did that happen?

D: Well, we had bits and pieces and, as I said, when you get people collected in like that you will always get somebody who can do something and among all those people, in the men’s camp, obviously you will find some electricians, or radio technicians, or something, and you can bribe Chinese contractors to get things in and you can put together a radio, and of course we had electricity.

The electricity came up from Kuching and the Japanese said “Well if you can get your own wiring done and everything else you can have it, you can have your own electricity in the camp.” We had all sorts of naked wires and things running around and just draped over trees and everything and we had electricity. Probably only one or two very small bulbs in a hut but at least it was better than nothing and only one person ever got electrocuted. I think he was an Australian soldier and they had been cutting a tree down one day and it had brought down a livewire.

About March 1945, the generator in Kuching broke down and, having being supplied originally by a firm of fairly well-known British electrical engineers, Ruston and Hornsby in Lincolnshire, as you can appreciate, not much chance of getting a spare part. So what happened? In the men’s camp, which because of its size had more security, they built a generator, They bribed Chinese contractors to get the wire and they built a generator. And if you build a generator how do you then start and turn it on? Well if you take an old 50 gallon oil drum, it has got some fairly stiff steel bands around it, and you get one cut off, and you get it built up onto a wooden frame, and then you look around and look at your fittest and heftiest PoW, and you feed him up a bit of extra rice and things, and you then get him turn a wheel, you have started yourself a motor, and so you have started your radio going. And they got it done which was quite an achievement. I am surprised really that some of these things which were done in have never really been publicised because they really were very interesting as to what people could do when you are there, and you have got to do it, and build things out of nothing.

N: How did you meet Chinese contractors? If you were in your camp?

D: I must digress slightly, go back slightly here. Other ranks only get paid if you work, but there is some agreement that officers get paid. We hadn’t been in Kuching very long before our C.O. was sent round, we were sent for one day and told “Oh we are going to pay you.”

This was quite an amusing little story really. the Japanese had made all the local currencies the same value as the yen which was in old money 1 shilling and tuppence. So I was getting about I think I got something like 80 or 85 dollars a month. That’s right, that’s what they were going to pay me, a lieutentant. Next point, we shall charge you 60 dollars a month board and lodgings, that will be deducted. That left 25. We shall put 15 dollars a month into Yokohama Speci Bank for you, for savings when you go home. So I ended up with something like 10/15 dollars a month cash.

So there was all of the trading and the Chinese contractors coming in, or local Malays. So we obviously sent contributions up to the men’s camp. It had funny spin offs at the end because at the end when the Japanese had more or less packed up, they paid out and they flooded the whole area with all our savings, useless paper money which was just fluttering about all over the place. But the Yokohama Speci bank didn’t lose face. It actually paid out.

N: So in the camp as a whole you had f money.

D: Oh there was always money about, yes, and people were selling watches and pens and all sorts of things. I could speak a bit of Malay and I suppose partly because I had a bed space next to the camp door so if the Japanese came down I was sort of the first one, and I did a bit of selling of watches for people. There was a degree of honesty which meant that you could quote a price you wanted for a watch, and they were always the names they had heard of, Rolex watches and Parker pens, and you could quote a price and he could say “Can I take it away down to Kuching and see if they agree the price?” and you could let it go and you’d know it would come back, and if you couldn’t agree a price well then business wasn’t done.

N: Back to the radio. At what point was the radio working? Did you hear about D Day?

D: It wasn’t up in time for D Day. It was in time more or less in time for the Japanese surrender..

N: So all those years in the camp, you must have been living in a strange sort of isolation, not to have any news of the outside world, not to have any idea of what was happening.

D: No you hadn’t really got a lot of idea what was happening, no.

N: So no idea how the Germans were doing in Russia?

D: Not really. No.

N: So you just had your day to day existence?

D: Day to day existence.

N: And what other activities were there, in the camp, going on. Did people teach things, learn skills.

D: The undercover university, which was undercover because we weren’t supposed to have any get togethers of any sort of any numbers of people were started by a chap called Frank Bell who was a Cambridge graduate, a pretty brilliant sort of linguist.5 , I think he had about three languages at that point and he could pick up languages very quickly. He started this university in Kuching. It was really just discussions on a whole lot of all sorts of things, languages, general subjects, history, public speaking, book-keeping.

But Frank Bell had the knack, and if we decided they were going to want to learn a language and nobody knew it, we had got one of the Hugo’s Simple Books. Hugo’s this, that and the other. And Frank could sort of look at it and read it through a couple of times and then he would be in a position to start taking a class. He was that good, you know.

5 Frank Bell, Undercover University (Cambridge: Elizabeth Bell, 1990).

N: Did you have paper and pens or anything?

D: No. The paper was very scarce. I had a slate and a pencil which I wrote an awful lot of things on and I even practiced shorthand a little bit with a slate and a pencil which is not very good because you can’t make heavy lines or light lines like you can with normal pencil and paper. It was something to do, something to keep yourself occupied. Oh there was pig farming. A chap called Les Coleman who had worked for one of the agricultural foodstuff people before the war ran pig farming, poultry keeping.

N: Did you actually keep any animals in the camp?

D: No, we couldn’t. There was no food to start with in any animals.

N: Do you mean there was no food to feed them.

D: Well there was nothing.

N: There was no feed for them if you did have them.

D: There was no food for them. I will digress onto that because um at one point when our ration came through, we hadn’t had a meat ration for a long time and suddenly they produced a couple of live pigs.

In a camp like that you can get somebody who knows something about everything. When you have got a whole lot of people who have been called in from civilian life you will find somebody who knows something about something. We had gone on not getting our proper meat ration, which was supposed to be two ounces a week or something like that and suddenly the call went up “ration party” and the Japanese produced two life pigs. “Here you are, here’s your meat ration. We have now caught up with your meat ration supply. Here are two life pigs.” Fortunately we had in the camp an Australian butcher and he said “Oh that’s alright, no problem, give me a knife, I’ll get the pigs organised.” Which he did.  We discovered that the stomach inside one of them had gone green, we thought “well what sort of disease has this pig got?”, but people said “Oh well get rid of the green bits and probably we’ll eat the rest and it will be alright.”

On one occasion they produced three or four hens, cockerels and instead of killing them and eating them, Les Coleman who had had a bit of the agricultural experience, said “Well, don’t let’s kill these chickens, we’ll keep them and feed them. We have got enough scraps to feed them on.” So we did keep our few chickens and it meant people were able to have an egg periodically. But we couldn’t have kept any animals. The odd few chickens spending the night under the hut was alright.

N: Did you teach anything?

D: No. I didn’t teach anything. I hadn’t really got enough knowledge for anything but I was quite useful as staying fairly fit and keeping on going on the manual work. They had to have woodchoppers you know. So I applied myself. I did quite a good job keeping the cookhouse fire supplied, or helping.

N: Did you have any contact with home? With England?

D: Not really.

N: Were there Red Cross letters? Or anything like that?

D: No. I sent one or two home I don’t think I ever got anything? No, that was very bad.

N: Was that was because the Japanese didn’t pass them on?

D: I think it was Japanese not passing them on and the other thing I do hold against the Japanese, we didn’t discover this until the end when we did get some Red Cross supplies. Red Cross supplies came through very regularly, principally from the Americans, I think, and the Japanese mishandled them and kept them and they just weren’t given out. Now, if they had given out those food and medical supplies, things would never have got nearly so bad. It may have been different in some of the other camps. You can’t speak for all of them of course. But no, as far as we were concerned it was nothing, right to the end and we realised then and we got these boxes for so many people for so long and it was really quite a reasonable amount you know for what you could have been getting and we thought, you know, we never got it.

N: So they hadn’t necessarily been using them all. They had just been storing them.

D: Well they either stored them or they gave some that they had got at the end. Or something but I don’t quite know what they did.

N: Did you ever wonder what was going on in England? What was it like to be so isolated?

D: Well you got scraps of news, scraps of news came and this that and the other but we didn’t really know an awful lot for an awful long time. You just hoped really. We had nothing.

N: This was about four years in total.

D: It was three and a half years. Roughly March 1942 to August 1945.

N: Did you ever dream of England or cold weather or wonder what was happening and Christmas or things like that?

D: Well of course you did. People always talked. The great thing on people’s mind really and what you were always talking about was food. When you are living on pretty close to starvation rations food is really one thing that people talk about and food they have had and recipes they can use and what you can do and everything else. It is a great subject on everybody’s mind under those circumstances.

N: One image people have of Japanese prisoner of war camps is from the Bridge on the River Kwai. The sort of torture and hard labour and so on. What – does that – is that a familiar..

D: It is like all sorts of things in life. There is a lot of luck and there was a lot of luck on where, what camps you got sent to. Don’t forget there were camps spread all over,Mine was in Borneo, Kuching, but I mean there were prisoner of war camps all the way up from, well Burma bridge over the River Kwai, up to Japan and then down and all round the islands. Things, I think, varied a good deal. There was this variation and you hear of things happening, well undoubtedly beheading, people were beheaded, people were bayoneted, people were beaten to death and they were starved to death but they didn’t necessarily happen every day. I think I mentioned earlier Colonel Suga [the camp, C.O.]. In some ways we felt he treated the prisoners as leniently as he dared without someone reporting back to Tokyo that Suga was getting English happy, or something like that. There was this variation and you hear of things happening, well undoubtedly beheading, people were beheaded, people were bayoneted, people were beaten to death and they were starved to death but they didn’t necessarily happen every day.

I don’t think anybody was ever executed or anything like that in our camp but there were some nasty beatings. I was lucky and I missed one on one occasion because somebody had to go up to the entrance to the camp to report to the Japanese. The Japanese came down and collected the number of people in the camp that day and it had been my day to do this. And I didn’t do it because my friend Steve Day wanted to do it instead because the day he was supposed to do it he had played bridge or something like that, So Steve Day was up there standing at the entrance to our camp and a Japanese guard came by with a few of the Indians who had been out on a working party, and one of them saluted Steve. He was misguided enough to acknowledge the salute and the Japanese guard got hold of him and he was taken to the guard room and he had the most appalling time for two or three days, beatings just for doing this. Well it might easily have been me. You know. So yes, things did happen if you got on the wrong side of the Japanese, you could easily get a beating.

N: But he survived.

D: Oh he survived, yes because I suppose he was relatively fit and of course it only lasted two or three days.

N: So what about leisure activities? You used to play cards. Did you get bored?

D: Well no, don’t forget when you are under those conditions under a very low diet and everything else you are quite happy just to lie on your bed. Don’t forget you are very run down in lots of ways under those conditions so no, I don’t think you do easily get bored. You just lie on your bed or something like that. Yes, you just don’t want to do so much, full stop. As I said, the books which we had which had been bought up and organised from the library down in Kuching, there were always books so that was alright.

N: And when you got the radio fixed up and you began to hear news of the progress of the war.

D: Well, yes, the only reception we were getting was from Radio Delhi at that point. Couldn’t get any British news or anything like that. It was all a bit vague and snips and snatches and it had to come through very secretly because we were always afraid that somehow somebody might have said to the Japanese, “they’ve got a radio” or something like that, or talked out of turn or something and then there would have been all sorts of beatings, undoubtedly executions. In fact [after the Japanese surrender] we told the Japanese guards about it, what we had done, and we were still in the camp and the Japanese had packed up. The Japanese guards were still coming down and we were talking together then.

Well it was after the war had finished. It was after the Japanese surrender. Look at it like that. We told them what we had been doing and how the radio had been kept and where it had been kept secretly and everything else and they agreed it had been a very brave thing to do. You know. They said “you have done well on this”.

N: So when you say the Japanese guards came down and talked after the war, it sounds like quite a friendly situation.

D: Well, it did really. It did in some ways as far as we were able to come down and stroll around and you know we were all going home soon now.

N: So was there then a sort of solidarity – that you were all soldiers doing your job?

D: I suppose because some of the little people we had seen, I mean I remember one, there was a little guard who had been coming in and I saw him at one point, coming in, I remember the first night he ever came in. My bed was next to the hut doorway. And one night, I suppose not long after light’s out, my mosquito net was being shaken and it was this Japanese guard, and he had got cigarettes for sale which I started buying and passing on, and this went on I suppose for a few weeks. It eventually stopped and I didn’t see him again for quite a long time. I saw him again, after the Japanese surrender, I asked him what happened and why he had stopped. He had been caught by one of his officers doing this bit of black marketing and he showed me his shirt and he had been made to stand to attention in the sun and his punishment had been to have cigarette burns all over his body and he had got about 20 scars from these things. That was the sort of thing that happened to the Japanese. They could all get beaten up themselves. It wasn’t just that the prisoners got beaten up, the other people beat up the Japanese privates.

Can I just digress back, go back to the end of the Kuching University. I did French on the University in fact I had a degree in French, Look University of Kuching. Diploma holders. Lt D F Campion, Intelligence Corps.

One of the things I remember was that whilst we always had reveille at 7 o’clock, when had to get up and be counted, and likewise we always had a lights out at 10 o’clock in the evening when everything had to shut down, but on New Year’s Eve we always had to have lights out as usual, but they they said “You may get up at 10 minutes to 12 and you may sing Auld Lang Syne” and welcome in New Year. So every year we sang in New Year, we always said “well this year we will get out” but it didn’t happen for about 3 years, but eventually we did.

After having been taken prisoner in March 1942 we never saw anysign of anything British in the way of military or air force or anything until March 25th 1945, which was Palm Sunday. And on that day, midmorning, we saw two American aircraft flying over the camp and that was the first sign, and that put up morale by about 25 million percent. You know. It really did make us think that something was eventually going to happen. It is interesting. I don’t think people ever thought they weren’t going to get out. I suppose some people did if they got very sick, and they always thought “well this is the end”, but from then on, for the majority of people as far as we were concerned, or I was concerned,, it is not “if we go home” it is “when we go home”. that is just the last thing I think I was remembering and then we come up to August. on.

On August the 1st?

Colonel Whiting was summoned to an interview with Col Suga and told of allied landings at LeBourne and Miri, about 600 miles from Kuching. Then this went on and I am reading from Frank Bell’s diary now, just to keep me going on the dates and Frank recorded in his dairy “August the 5th. Sunday. The box works at last”.6 That meant the radio is going and that was when we heard that Germany was definitely out, the allies were definitely on Borneo and we are bombing Java from six bases in Borneo.

And Wednesday the 8th. Oh what happened. Frank Bell’s diary. “Heard of landings on Japan. Since proved incorrect.”7 Well that again was the rumours that came out. Oh that’s right “Friday August the 10th” Now that was a big day. We saw some single engine fighters over the camp. American. Saturday August the 11th we understand there is a distinct possibility of Japan accepting ultimatum which they had been given. Then we went on.

6 Frank Bell, Undercover University, p. 108.

7 Frank Bell, Undercover University, p. 109.

Well we realised then, or we hoped, that things were getting very close to the end. Now this is another interesting one. “Tuesday August the 14th”. Col Whiting was called up by Suga and Suga said there had been difficulty in getting food supplies and funnily enough he gave them details of the new British cabinet because there had been a general election then as you know, Churchill had gone, Atlee had come in. Suga then “said that a very terrible thing had happened to Japan in the shape of the atomic bomb devastating cities. His bearing was nervous and his attitude conciliatory. He even asked what would happen to him when the allies arrived and was told that all would be well if he could establish his orders came from a higher authority.”8 We were very optimistic at that point of course.
8 Frank Bell, Undercover University, p. 109.

It was getting very close. I suppose in some ways, poor old Suga. He was a complex character and all his family had been in Hiroshima because he had sent them all to Hiroshima because he had had the impression, perhaps as a lot of them did, that Hiroshima had been a fairly safe place to go to.

N: So did he know then that his family had died.

D: Well he must have done yes, they had been in Hiroshima and he would have known what had happened. That was 14th of August and then on the 15th, the news of the Japanese surrender. The camp went mad. Everybody shaking each other’s hands, and trying to remember not to do so on the square, as it was too early to demonstrate openly our knowledge. Now this was knowledge we had had on the radio you see. We hadn’t had it officially through the Japanese. Of course at that point, well we always had to go carefully on the food but we just started eating anything there was, there was always a little bit of “stand back chaps”.

On August 15th again the behaviour of the Nips was quite normal.

Australian troops turned up e first of all. It was the American navy that was about. Things went on. Pamphlets were dropped on August the 16th, telling us “Japan has surrendered” and we got that confirmation and it was still slightly odd there.The Japanese hadn’t positively told us and I haven’t got a note of the actual positive date when Colonel Suga did say.

Frank hasn’t got it down and I can’t remember what happened on quite the different days. And then things went on. It was all a bit of a blur that time, those last few days of August. I think on August the 20th when we had still been just carrying on, and I think we had to be careful I think there was a little bit of fear. There were two things. One was there were about 5,000 Japanese troops not very far up on the edge of the mountains a few miles away, that they might suddenly come down and do a massacre, and the other thing is, would any of the British troops or anything start going out and running amok? Which might have caused problems. I It was a tricky period because anybody might have run amok at that period, I think.

We stayed in the camp mostly at that point. Alan Dant, my friend who had been a quartermaster, was collecting rations and for some point, once or twice, he couldn’t do it, so I went up with the ration party. I remember talking to Yoshimura who had been there, the Japanese who had been giving out the rations and we had always had to salute Yoshimura. I was up there more or less after and we knew the war had ended and we knew the Japanese had finished and I told Yoshimura in future he would salute me. He got up and did it. I was very pleased.

We were getting copies of the pamphlets saying the Japanese had surrendered and I must take Frank Bell’s diary as being accurate on this one. On August the 22nd Suga asked for Colonel Whiting and was embarrassed and reserved at the interview. He showed a pamphlet which had been given to him by somebody from the internees camp and admitted the Japanese surrender. Colonel Suga “suggested, however, that the southern regions might sever their Japanese nationality and fight on unless they received honourable terms”.9 This was all very well. It was all very well for the top brass, the emperor and people to surrender in Tokyo. What happened about the different people all around when there could have been all sorts of things. Rumours came out and they came off the box [the radio] and from here and there and everywhere. Rumour says that provisional signing of the surrender terms has taken place in Manilla and is to be ratified in Tokyo on the 31st of August.

Colonel Suga made the following memorable speech to assembled camps. This was on the 24th of August. I’ll go through it briefly. “Good afternoon everybody.” This was Colonel Suga speaking. “Please sit down. At last I have some good news for you. Peace is coming. It is at hand. You must keep calm and not get excited. Now I will tell you some news. The Americans have used atomic bomb which causes much devastation on Japan. On the 6th of this month they used it on Hiroshima city and he kept quiet for a while after that. Nearly all the people, citizens, were killed. Nearly all the houses burnt down. Japanese government protested but on the 9th the Americans again used the atomic bomb on Nagasaki and the same thing happened. Japan fights with soldiers, also planes, ships and guns, not with civilians, women and children but nowadays war turns upside down. Our emperor, the Japanese emperor, our Japanese emperor very worried. He wants to stop war so he sent message to allies to say he will accept the Potsdam declaration.”10 That was of course the total surrender.

This is Frank Bell’s diary: “Suga was apparently very much moved and when he came to mention the atomic bomb, he could scarcely get the words out.”11 Well, I suppose if his family were in Hiroshima it was understandable. August – at this point of course we were getting all sorts of extras. Food and clothing you know, shirts and slacks and everything else. Things went on slowly. Different things. August 27th, 28th, 29th, 30th – oh we were getting supplies dropped as well of course from the – by the American air force of food principally. They came down – there was a very sad death about that time too. They usually put stuff down by parachute carefully and one day they started just slinging boxes down, crates all over the place, rather carelessly and they did it near one of the huts over in the internees section of the camp and somebody was just walking out of the camp and the crate dropped on his head. Very sad way to die. When did the Australians actually arrive? Go on quite a long time of course. That was a very, very funny time.

9Frank Bell, Undercover University, p. 113.
10Frank Bell, Undercover University, p. 113.
11Frank Bell, Undercover University, p. 114.

Life just continued in the camp very, very easily until the Australians arrived. I haven’t got a record of the day they did arrive on this one. Oh they started and there was a Colonel Walsh who arrived on September the 7th. It was about a month and it was very much a month of well as you can see what’s going on. All sorts of odds and bits and pieces and news coming from here and there and everything else. All rather.

What was it like when the Australian soldiers arrived?

D: Well we didn’t have a lot, we only had one or two senior officers arriving and it was all sort of arranged and um eventually we were shipped out and when we have left – that’s you know when I say soldiers, only one or two fairly senior, just a few fairly senior officers and of course medical officers as well which was most important. Then shipped everybody out, and we went to Labuan.

We went up on an American destroyer I think it was.

Oh September the 11th was final church service. September the 12th. September the 13th or 14th we finally left and went to Labuan. Spent a time in Labuan and then across I can’t remember how long in Labuan.

When we were travelling from Singapore to Borneo in 1942 there were two parties which had been collected from different places in Java, about a thousand in each party, each party headed by a Colonel. The Japanese said on the voyage over, “well of you two parties, one can go to Kuching and one has got to go to Sandakan” and they said to the two colonels, “you can make your own choice”. And Colonel Russell who was in charge of the party I was in, said “Oh we’ll toss a coin for this.” And the two colonels tossed a coin and Colonel Russell won the toss, and then he had to make up his mind where we would go to and he said “We will go to Kuching because we believe we are going to a camp which has been built by the British for Indian troops but at least it will be reasonable”. So he won the toss and we went to Kuching and I have told you what happened to the other lot. At Sandiken only 6 people survived.  That was all. Pretty grim. So there you are. This goes to show how a toss of the coin rather fixes things. From Labuan we went back to Singapore on a boat across to Singapore and on a hospital ship. We spent a little time in Singapore. We finally left Singapore about October the 3rd I think or 4th. We got back into Liverpool about November the 4th/5th. That was finally it.

N: That was almost the anniversary of when you left.

D: Yes, it was. Yes. Five years.

So you can say five years more or less to the day back to Liverpool.

N: Just to finish off – what was it like arriving back in Liverpool. How did you feel coming back to England after five long years in the tropics?

D: Oh well, I think we were all rather I suppose, sense of relief or whatever, you know, you had just got back. You just sort of think, well we are coming back and taking over again now. I just came in and went home. I got a – I went back on a train from Liverpool to London, crossed to St Pancras, got a train from St Pancras to Bedford and back in.

N: Like you had never been away.

D: Yes.

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